Quotes of the Week
This reconciliation bill is a promise kept to the American people: more money in your pocket, secure borders, lower energy costs, no tax on tips or overtime, and roots out fraud.
– U.S. Rep. Tom Tiffany, R-Minocqua, on the reconciliation bill the U.S. House passed early Thursday morning.
While most Americans were asleep, House Republicans voted to rip healthcare away from 13.7 million people & take food away from hungry people—all to give a tax break to their billionaire buddies, like Donald Trump & Elon Musk. This fight is just beginning. I hope the Senate sees just how deeply unpopular & just plain evil this bill is.
– U.S. Rep. Mark Pocan, D-Town of Vermont, on the bill.
We are continuing to fund the program in Milwaukee, we have a team in Milwaukee, we’re giving laboratory support to the analytics in Milwaukee, and we’re working with the health department in Milwaukee.
– Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. testifying to the Senate Appropriations committee on the CDC Lead Poisoning program.
There is no team in Milwaukee. We had a single [federal] staff person come to Milwaukee for a brief period to help validate a machine, but that was separate from the formal request that we had for a small team to actually come to Milwaukee for our Milwaukee Public Schools investigation and ongoing support there.
– Milwaukee Health Commissioner Mike Totoraitis in response to Kennedy’s comments.
Political Stock Report
-A collection of insider opinion-
(May 10 – 23, 2025)
Rising
Devin Remiker: Dem insiders have seen the party’s former executive director with a leg up in the race to become the next chair. Now, he’s got Ben Wikler’s seal of approval, which could be a significant boost to his bid — unless it produces a backlash among the party’s grassroots. With Wikler deciding against seeking another two-year term at next month’s state convention in the Wisconsin Dells, three contenders emerged to take his place with strategist Joe Zepecki and 3rd CD Chair William Garcia also throwing their hats in the ring. Garcia’s pitch has been geared toward empowering county parties and taking more of a bottom up approach to organizing and messaging. While an appealing message to activists in rural areas who’d like to see more resources pumped through the county parties, that usually isn’t a winning platform in a state chair race, insiders note. So the contest has largely been viewed as a two-man race between Remiker, whose pitch is focused on building upon the work that Wikler has done since taking over in 2019, and Zepecki, who has called for a new approach to messaging, communications, organization and infrastructure, calling the current approach too top down. The challenge there, insiders note, is the party has largely been on a winning streak. Dem and liberal candidates have won 15 of the past 19 contested statewide races, topped by a 10-point victory in this spring’s state Supreme Court election. Still, Donald Trump’s 29,397-vote win in November was a crushing defeat that prompted soul-searching amid the conclusion that voters now view Dems as the party of elites. Liberal Susan Crawford’s win in the state Supreme Court race put some wind back in Dem sails. But there’s still work to do, some note, and a victory in an officially nonpartisan race hasn’t magically fixed all issues. Beyond wins and losses — and whether a successor can continue Wikler’s fundraising success — a key factor in races like the one for state Dem chair is the relationship that candidates have with the grassroots. That’s one thing that has played into the perception that Remiker has an advantage. As the party’s political director and then executive director before leaving for the Biden-Harris campaigns, he worked with a lot of the people who will cast ballots for chair. So some debate the value of the Wikler endorsement considering there’s always been a wink-and-a-nod vibe that Remiker is the outgoing chair’s preferred candidate. Besides working with him at the party, Remiker managed Wikler’s unsuccessful bid for national party chair, helping build the perception he had a preferred successor. Wikler told WisPolitics in April that he wouldn’t endorse in the race to succeed him. But he formally backs Remiker, calling him “an extraordinary leader who can make our party even greater” as well as “my close partner in the fight.” Zepecki knocks Wikler for switching course on an endorsement. Zepecki says he’s not deterred, adding, “Our brand is busted, our communications and messaging aren’t landing.” There are always those in a party’s activist base that will be open to a message of change, insiders say, and sometimes being the perceived “establishment” pick can work against you. Just look at Martha Laning’s win a decade ago when operative Jason Rae was viewed as the favorite of the consultant class. But along with Wikler, Remiker has the backing of Laning and former Chair Martha Love. Plus, the Democratic Party of Wisconsin is one of the best in the country, as well as one of the best funded. That has some believing that Remiker’s connections and the party’s record of success has given him the inside track to win the job. That’s why some would’ve preferred Wikler stayed out of the race officially. Maybe Wikler saw Zepecki gaining momentum and felt the need to slow that roll. Maybe it was intended to seal the deal. But now, some Dems fret, if Remiker wins, there could be some lingering bad feelings from Zepecki supporters. And if Zepecki wins, there could be more of an incentive to clean house at the party. Either way, many see the endorsement reinforcing Remiker’s perceived status as the frontrunner.
Josh Schoemann, Tom Tiffany: The Washington County exec put in a little organizing effort. The Minocqua congressman has name ID and a reservoir of support among the party’s grassroots. To insiders, that’s why they finished at the top of a WisPolitics straw poll at the GOP state convention, an early gauge of where party activists are in the 2026 guv race. Schoemann is the only announced candidate in the race, and Republicans say he put his team to work encouraging delegates to back him in the straw poll. It worked, as he topped Tiffany by 3 percentage points, or seven votes. Tiffany, who’s been weighing a run, has been a favorite of the grassroots before; he topped a 2023 WisPolitics straw poll of potential U.S. Senate candidates. Tiffany ultimately opted against a 2024 bid, choosing to seek reelection to his northern Wisconsin congressional seat instead. He tells WisPolitics in an interview that he has no firm timeline to make a decision about a run and is asking himself two questions: Where can he do the most good for the people in the state of Wisconsin? And is he the best Republican to run? Insiders have been asking whether he can raise the money needed for a statewide campaign. Tiffany estimates it would take raising $30 million to $40 million for a successful campaign and pushes back on some of the questions about his fundraising weaknesses, saying he’s raised money when he had to. He pulled in $2.6 million in 2020 as he won a special election for the 7th CD that spring and then took the strongly GOP seat again that fall. Still, that $62,484 he raised during the first three months of 2025 failed to impress, even as his backers note you’re not going to raise much money for one office when you’re actively talking to people about running for another. The GOP field for guv is still being formed with businessman Bill Berrien putting together the foundation for a run. Insiders say he looks good on paper and has a solid team led by Betsy Ankney, who led Ron Johnson’s successful 2016 reelection. But the convention underscores the long way he has to go as he finished fifth out of the six candidates listed. And he’s already getting beat up by conservative talk radio over his past support for top five voting. Some conservatives view that approach as a ploy to get Dems elected, and insiders predict he’ll have a tough time getting past it. Schoemann, meanwhile, has enthusiasm and youth on his side at just 43 years old. But he doesn’t have any name ID outside of Washington County, and the $322,659 he’s raised since 2019 for his county exec bids isn’t enough for a good week of statewide TV. If Tiffany gets into the race, it could push others out of the field with the expectation he’d have the inside track to an endorsement from Donald Trump. But if he passes, it could encourage others to give it a look, which is just what Republicans would like to avoid after a divisive 2022 GOP primary didn’t help their cause against Tony Evers.
Mixed
Joint Finance Committee: The Capitol has reached the conclusion that it’s strike a deal or bust. At least when it comes to the chances of getting a budget done on time. With new revenue numbers from the Legislative Fiscal Bureau in hand saying the projected surplus is still north of $4 billion, there’s nary a peep out of the Legislature’s budget committee this week, leading insiders to wonder what the prospects are for wrapping up its work on time. Maybe the committee largely does a cost-to-continue budget and calls it a day except for a couple of big ticket items like taxes and education. Maybe the committee puts in a lot of late nights over the next six weeks to get the budget done before the fiscal year ends on June 30. Or maybe there’s a grand bargain to be had. The signs, insiders say, are pointing to the latter being the best option for wrapping up the budget on time. GOP sources tell WisPolitics that the guv and Republican legislative leaders met twice in one day this week as talks heat up. Speaker Robin Vos, R-Rochester, provided his caucus an update, including the two meetings in one day, but didn’t share any details other than things are progressing, the sources said. Meanwhile, a WisPolitics reporter saw aides to GOP lawmakers with an interest in state prisons head into a Capitol hearing room this week for a closed-door meeting with members of the Evers administration, including some from the Department of Corrections. Considering the guv included a revamp to the state’s prison system in his budget, it’s not hard to figure out what they were likely discussing, insiders surmise. Budget watchers also note while they’re not used to seeing the guv and GOP lawmakers in active budget negotiations, it’s easy to figure out why they’re taking a shot at it. Evers has had a habit of announcing politically popular proposals, demanding lawmakers sign off and then watching them reject the ideas. Maybe he now sees value in engaging them to get some of what he wants. Vos, meanwhile, has pointed out Republicans have passed a budget before with spending and a tax package only to see Evers veto the cuts the GOP wanted. Maybe the trade-off of giving Evers some of what he wants on issues like education and child care is worth it to see a meaningful tax cut signed into law. That’s one motivation. The second, some note, is the ongoing question over whether Senate Republicans could pass a budget on GOP votes alone. They might be able to get a budget done that satisfied the right wing of the caucus, but it would just be another fight with Evers’ partial veto pen. Striking a deal with the guv, the thinking goes, opens the door to a few moderate Dems getting on board to pass the budget. Some question just how many Senate Republicans that leadership could get to go along with that kind of approach. But it might be the only option to get a budget done on time.
Chris Taylor: Liberals have had a successful candidate profile in their last four winning Supreme Court campaigns: a woman, a sitting judge, a former prosecutor. Liberals may find out in 2026 which is more important: that candidate profile or the operation they’ve built to take advantage of the natural edge they now enjoy in spring elections. The 4th District Court of Appeals judge, a former Dem lawmaker and policy director for Planned Parenthood, formally launches her bid for state Supreme Court in 2026 after passing on a run in 2025. The announcement is no surprise. Taylor was quick to express an interest in the 2026 race, when conservative Rebecca Bradley is up for another 10-year term, shortly after Susan Crawford’s victory last month. Clark County Judge Lyndsey Boon Brunette, a former elected Dem DA, kicked the tires on a run only to decide against it, in what many took as a sign that Taylor was simply too far ahead in laying the groundwork for a campaign to catch her. What’s more, there are some who argue Taylor has earned this shot at the race after passing on a bid in 2025, which could’ve produced a messy primary that in turn would’ve complicated efforts to hold onto the liberal majority. As Taylor gets into the race, her campaign tells WisPolitics the team around her includes Ashley Franz as campaign manager after she served in the deputy role for Crawford. Her consultants include: Scott Spector, who’s worked on past Supreme Court races; Garren Randolph, who was state campaign manager for the Biden and Harris campaigns; and Sam Roecker and Haley Barbour with Path to Victory on fundraising. Taylor also quickly rolls out the endorsement of all four liberals who will be on the bench once the new term starts in August: Crawford and Justices Rebecca Dallet, Jill Karofsky and Janet Protasiewicz. That, insiders say, should put an end to any serious consideration by another left-of-center candidate of getting into the race. And she could close that door completely with a strong finance report in July. With her formal entry into the race, Taylor will have a little more than five weeks until the current reporting period closes. Protasiewicz pulled in $168,332 in roughly the same period after she announced in 2022 ahead of her 2023 win. And Crawford raised $473,174 in the three weeks after formally getting into the race in 2024. Some will be curious to see if there are any signs of donor fatigue or disinterest in the race, which will be about trying to build the liberal majority to 5-2. In flipping control of the court in 2023, the price tag topped $56 million. Keeping that 4-3 majority hit $109 million — with the final receipts not yet in — as national conservatives invested in the race trying to wrest control away from liberals. Does the 2026 contest get even close to those figures with much less on the line? Republicans see a candidate in Taylor with a lot of liabilities. You never would’ve considered running someone that liberal and partisan a decade ago, when the spring electorate was still more conservative than a fall race. Maybe Dems are going to see just how far they can push things with the shift in spring races toward an electorate that is heavily populated by college educated, high propensity voters who have fled the GOP since Donald Trump came on the scene. Some Dems, though, see a candidate who mirrors those college-educated female voters who care about abortion rights and have been a key constituency in these races lately. Taylor supporters downplay her lack of experience as a prosecutor. Bradley never served as one, they point out, and would be hard-pressed to portray herself as some kind of crime fighter. Still, some argue it’s not just about the resume, but how the issues are framed. Crawford, for example, took plenty of hits on crime this spring as conservative Brad Schimel and his allies sought to portray her as weak on sex offenders. But she used her experience as a prosecutor to defend herself from those attacks while also hitting back at him. In the end, many believe she fought the issue to a draw as her campaign portrayed Schimel as corrupt over campaign donations and decisions he made as a DA. Some see Taylor as more likely to lean into a liberal message on crime and wonder if she’ll run a campaign on where she wants voters to be on some issues, rather than meeting them on their turf. Her fans counter Taylor has one advantage that Crawford, Protasiewicz, Karofsky and Dallet didn’t. Yes, she’s been a Dem state lawmaker who’s taken a lot of votes that can be picked over, and some will seize on her work as a policy director for Planned Parenthood. But she’s been in the public eye for more than 14 years. She’s well versed on how to message a political point and will be polished on the stump and in any debates. Conservatives, meanwhile, are banking on the power of incumbency and Bradley’s support among Federalist Society types to improve her chances of winning. They’re also, though, waiting with bated breath until they know for sure Bradley will be the nominee. When she told WisPolitics last month that she planned to run again, Bradley added she’d take some time to assess what happened in the April election. She probably sees the same things others do, insiders say. Along with the electorate shifting, the Dem and liberal operation has simply been much more efficient in allocating resources. Meanwhile, GOP coalition members are at odds with each other and training some of their fire at the state party as it continues to lag behind its Dem counterpart. Then there are questions about whether Bradley will pursue the vacancy on the 7th Circuit Court of Appeals. Asked in that WisPolitics interview if she planned to apply for the appointment, Bradley answered she was “focused on fighting for the people of Wisconsin right now.” To some, that’s not exactly a no, and who could blame her for being at least a little interested? She’d likely not be alone in being interested in the appointment. U.S. Sens. Tammy Baldwin, D-Madison, and Ron Johnson, R-Johnson, started up the Federal Nominating Commission again to identify candidates. But legal observers aren’t seeing the White House wait for that body to shape the potential field. Backers have touted it for suggesting consensus candidates to the president. Each senator gets three appointments to the commission, and it requires support from five of the six members to recommend a candidate for consideration. But insiders say Donald Trump doesn’t want consensus candidates. He wants young, MAGA-aligned nominees he can lean on the GOP-controlled U.S. Senate to confirm to reshape the judiciary and stay on the bench for decades. There’s already a buzz in conservative legal circles around several names, including: Rebecca Taibleson, an assistant U.S. attorney in Milwaukee who clerked for Antonin Scalia; Luke Berg, deputy counsel at the conservative Wisconsin Institute for Law & Liberty; Joe Bugni, a Madison attorney who’s represented RFK Jr. and Jim Troupis in election law cases; Daniel Suhr, an attorney in southeastern Wisconsin who served in the Walker-Kleefisch administration and has been involved in conservative causes; and Matt Krueger, a former U.S. attorney in Milwaukee during the first Trump administration. Sources told WisPolitics the White House has already begun to interview candidates in what one described as a “parallel process” to the Federal Nominating Commission’s work. Seven years ago, the commission failed to reach consensus on Michael Brennan for the 7th Circuit, but Trump nominated him anyway. If Bradley is interested in the nomination, she’ll likely have some competition, insiders note. They also wonder if there’s enough time to forward a nomination to the Senate and get an appointment confirmed to leave conservatives enough time to set the stage for someone else to mount a credible campaign. Insiders note Bradley is likely conservatives’ best shot to break their losing streak in spring races. For one, no elected justice has lost a race in Wisconsin over the past 55 years. The only incumbents to lose — Louis Butler in 2008 and Daniel Kelly in 2020 — were both running after being appointed to the court. Bradley would also likely have a number of Federalist Society types willing to step forward to back her. Still, conservatives note their donors are fatigued after going all-in on Schimel in the April election and aren’t excited about the idea of opening their checkbooks again for an uphill fight. Even if an appointment to the federal bench isn’t in the cards, some could see Bradley deciding to do something else next year rather than going through the rigors of a campaign. And if a conservative incumbent justice were to pass on a reelection bid over concerns about the infrastructure and resources on her side of the political spectrum, some note, what would that say about the right’s chances of winning a spring election anytime soon?
Brian Schimming: Suggestions of the GOP state chair’s imminent demise were greatly exaggerated. It doesn’t mean that all is well in Denmark, however. The party still has a fractured base, continues to trail its Dem counterpart in fundraising and is trying to figure out a way to reverse a stinging losing streak in off-year elections. It has put Schimming’s performance under the microscope, even though the party was riding high just six months ago after Donald Trump won Wisconsin’s electoral votes. But another blowout in a Supreme Court race — coupled with ongoing fundraising questions — had a question hanging over the early part of the GOP state convention in Rothschild: Would Schimming’s critics take a run at a no confidence vote or even try to maneuver his removal as chair? All that chatter fizzles with nary a motion from the floor to discuss the issue. Party insiders note those trying to gin up opposition to Schimming don’t seem to understand how the process works. He just won another two-year term in December when the executive committee reelected him. And barring that executive committee losing faith in him, he’s likely not going anywhere before his term is over unless he does voluntarily, no matter how much some in those factions want him gone. Still, those factions pose a challenge, in part. The party was the grassroots when Scott Walker was guv, insiders recall, and everyone seemed to be largely on the same page when it came to election time. Now, Dems are the ones with a well-oiled machine that has independent groups largely working hand-in-hand. The GOP factions, however, aren’t playing nicely in the sandbox. That’s partly because they don’t trust each other, Republicans say. There’s been particular friction between some in the party and Turning Point USA, the national group founded by Charlie Kirk. It has an express interest in shaping the Republican National Committee and doing that involves winning offices at the state level that will give them a toehold there. That includes state chairs. In Wisconsin, the executive committee elects the post, and party officials have been on high alert for any signs the group is trying to take over its operation. But two Turning Point candidates lost bids for spots on the executive committee during votes at convention, and some in the party breathed a sign of relief. Some in the grassroots, however, are aghast that party leadership is trying to keep the group at arm’s length. Those young guys are the ones hustling the doors, they argue, not the blue hairs that have been coming to conventions since the Reagan years. And the delegates shot down a resolution that had called for the party to implement a code of conduct for executive committee members that some viewed as an effort to keep Turning Point guys in check. It’s all super inside baseball, intraparty politics. But important because those divides are preventing Republicans from all rowing in the same direction at election time. And that‘s on top of a very big problem: the new Republican Party just doesn’t turn out like it used to unless Donald Trump is on the ballot. The president has remade the GOP in his image, bringing in a host of new people — and energy — to the party. But in doing so, Republicans have made a tradeoff. They were once the heavy favorite in off-year, low-turnout elections and struggled in presidential years. See the Dems’ winning streak for Wisconsin’s electoral votes that started in 1988 and only came to an end with Trump’s 2016 win. But they’ve lost 15 of the last 19 contested statewide elections since Trump assumed the White House with one of those victories last fall. Speakers at the convention highlight the issue. U.S. Sen. Ron Johnson, R-Oshkosh, tells activists they have to figure out a way to turn out Trump supporters even when he’s not on the ballot and to drop the squabbling. U.S. Rep. Derrick Van Orden, R-Prairie du Chien, even tells reporters Republicans need to end spring elections, period, because of their turnout operations. Move it all to November, he says. Doing that would require a constitutional amendment since there’s now a prohibition on holding a judicial election on the same day as a partisan race. You’d have a ballot that could contain everything from the presidential race on down to school board contests. Hardly ideal. Either way, Republicans have to get their act together by 2026. Schimming has ordered a postmortem on the 2025 Supreme Court race to identify areas for improvement, though insiders already know the issues. The high propensity voters who once leaned heavily toward the GOP now largely call themselves Dems. If you want to win without Trump on the ballot, you need to figure out how to convince his voters that these races matter. A unified party would certainly help on that front, insiders say. So would a better fundraising operation. There were some bright spots this spring as the state GOP turned in a pre-election state report that topped its Dem counterpart for once. But that has proven fleeting. The latest federal fundraising reports show the state GOP raised $117,660 in April, finishing the month with $448,940 in the bank. The Dem Party raised more than $1.1 million for the month and had nearly $4.3 million cash on hand. The party’s issues are by no means all at Schimming’s feet. There were divisions within the grassroots before he ever stepped foot in the door, and Republicans’ statewide losing streak now has extended through four chairs, starting with Brad Courtney before continuing through Andrew Hitt and Paul Farrow before Schimming’s losses. In the end, being chair is a mix of messaging, money and winning. Schimming has the messaging part down. But unless the money picks up and the losses cease, some wonder if he can keep the confidence of the executive committee.
Randy Bryce: The “Iron Stache” caught lightning in a bottle when he sought to take on then-House Speaker Paul Ryan in 2018. It turned into a 12-point loss to Bryan Steil. He still has a massive fundraising list from that bid seven years ago, though insiders doubt he can recreate that same financial magic as he takes another shot at the 1st CD. Even so, Republicans aren’t going to blow off his bid until they know — for sure — there won’t be a new map in place come 2026. Bryce, the former ironworker and Army vet, announces he’s shooting for a rematch with Steil after that 2018 loss, casting the incumbent as a “puppet” for President Donald Trump. Republicans fire back, painting him as a radical who’s lost multiple bids for public office. Most of them weren’t very high-profile affairs. But his campaign against Ryan, R-Janesville, became a national cause for Dems as he targeted the then-House speaker. Bryce raised more than $8.6 million for the cycle, and he rubbed shoulders with Dem celebrities as he pulled eye-popping numbers. But the air in his fundraising balloon started leaking after Ryan announced in early April 2018 that he had decided against seeking reelection. Bryce reported nearly $2.2 million in receipts during the first three months of the year. But in the second quarter — which included the two weeks before Ryan dropped out — Bryce raised $1.2 million. It has some wondering whether Bryce will be able to catch donors’ attention the way he did challenging Ryan, especially with what emerged in his last campaign. That includes nine arrests — including for driving under the influence and three times for driving with a suspended license — and being delinquent on child support payments until he settled up with his ex-wife a couple of months before launching his campaign. Bryce at the time sought to portray those issues as a sign he related to the troubles facing everyday Wisconsinites in the district. Bryce’s 2018 campaign had a viral moment with his launch video talking about his mom’s struggles with multiple sclerosis while offering to trade places with Ryan so the speaker can work “the iron” and while he goes to DC. This time, his rollout is overshadowed by Chris Taylor’s announcement that she’s running for state Supreme Court. Dems are split on Bryce’s candidacy. Some like that he’s worked a job that real people — not investment bankers — can relate to. Some cringe at the idea of a rematch and expect others to kick the tires, though it could be tough to get in if Bryce’s fundraising takes off. But insiders on both sides are generally puzzled by DC’s fascination with the 1st CD. Those national consultants see something in that race that Wisconsin-based insiders generally don’t. Yes, on the numbers it’s competitive. It’s about 4 points more Dem now than it was in 2018. Dem Gov. Tony Evers narrowly lost the revamped district in 2022. And 2026 could be a bad year for Republicans with Trump in the White House; Dems are already teeing up ads slamming Republicans for cutting Medicaid to give tax breaks to billionaires based on the reconciliation vote. But Steil had $2.75 million in the bank at the close of the first quarter. He’s won by double digits in good years for Republicans and bad ones. And he’s got a reputation for being good at constituent relations. New maps would change the entire dynamic — and maybe draw out some high profile Dem names in the district to give the race a look. But short of that, insiders generally don’t see Steil as particularly vulnerable.
Falling
Elon Musk: The world’s richest man says he’s pulling back from politics. And Wisconsin Dems are almost giddy to think they’re the ones who helped break him. Musk dropped more than $290 million on federal races last year, according to national media. He pumped some $25 million into Wisconsin’s Supreme Court race, according to a WisPolitics tally. And that’s without counting the three $1 million checks Musk claims he gave to people who signed online petitions he put up ahead of the race that conservative Brad Schimel lost by 10 points. But during a virtual interview with Bloomberg News at the Qatar Economic Forum, Musk declares, “I think I’ve done enough.” Just six months ago, he was vowing to play a big role in the 2026 midterms as well as “intermediate elections” and indicated he wanted to donate $100 million to pro-Trump groups, according to national media. But then the money he poured into Wisconsin went all for naught, and he became a focus of the race. Polling showed Musk was unpopular with Wisconsin voters, and some viewed the race as at least partly a referendum on Trump and Musk. Wisconsin Dems take particular delight in a line in the New York Times writeup on Musk’s change of heart that “the Wisconsin race may have been a turning point: Mr. Musk appears aware that his public presence in the race backfired, according to a person who has spoken with him.” Musk’s spending in Wisconsin was remarkable to insiders at just how large a role a single person can play. Yes, liberal Susan Crawford outraised Schimel, and the way Dems funneled money through her campaign allowed her to have an advantage on the airwaves even as her side was outspent overall. But few can remember any example of a single person playing such an outsized role in a Wisconsin campaign. Of the $109 million WisPolitics has tracked so far, Musk and his groups accounted for nearly one-fourth of it. Even before Musk’s announcement, Wisconsin insiders wondered if he’d ever take such a significant interest in a state race again. It seemed like a one-off to them, and few were counting on him to be as heavily invested in, say, the 2026 state Supreme Court contest or the guv’s race next fall. Still, some aren’t exactly counting on Musk to totally tune out. He also says in that interview, “If I see a reason to do political spending in the future, I will do it. But I don’t currently see a reason.” Part of Musk’s decision seems driven by the fallout for Tesla associated with his political activity. But insiders note there’s still an avenue for Musk to stay just as plugged in financially but with a much lower profile by funneling his resources through “dark money” groups. And while Dems celebrate their role in chasing him out of the political game, they note other wealthy donors could take his place. Meanwhile, Musk’s visit to Capitol Hill this week leaves some skeptical that he’s really checking out rather than laying low until some of the fallout subsides.
UW support: University officials haven’t had much luck persuading GOP lawmakers to embrace the idea of pumping millions of new state aid into the system. Getting the Green Bay Packers to help spread the gospel has got to help, right? Probably not. Universities of Wisconsin President Jay Rothman’s latest appeal to the Capitol focuses on a new report that finds Wisconsin is 44th in the country when it comes to the amount of funding from state aid and tuition flowing to four-year schools. That’s down a notch from 43rd in 2023. Along with highlighting the report, Rothman releases a letter signed by more than 500 business groups or officials calling for increased support for the university. That includes outgoing Packers President Mark Murphy, who says in “order to remain one of the most successful and beloved sports franchises in the world, we also need that talent the Universities of Wisconsin develop for our state.” Don’t expect Republicans to fall all over themselves to embrace Gov. Tony Evers’ call for more than $855 million in new aid. Rothman has been touting numbers showing overall enrollment ticking up. But Republicans have focused on the campuses where it’s declining as they’ve questioned the need for more aid. They’ve also pointed to demographic trends that suggest fewer Wisconsin high school kids will be coming down the pipeline, while knocking the UW over DEI and questioning its transparency when it comes to building projects. In short, there’s little goodwill with Republicans who hold the purse strings. Just look at the reaction of GOP state Rep. Alex Dallman, a member of the Joint Finance Committee, to UW’s release of the letter. He calls the system No. 1 in the country for a lack of transparency while knocking it for “administrative bloat.” That, some note, is code in GOP circles for a tough budget coming down the pipe.
Outside groups covered more than $200K in lawmakers’ travel expenses in 2024
Outside groups reimbursed Dem and GOP lawmakers for more than $200,000 in expenses to attend events in the United States and abroad last year, according to a WisPolitics review.
Lawmakers listed honorariums on their statements of economic interests from groups such as the National Conference of State Legislatures, Jobs First Coalition and American Legislative Exchange Council. These payments took care of travel to places such as Tennessee, California and Colorado. Several lawmakers also reported expenses for a trip to Taiwan with other Midwestern legislators.
Overall, 16 senators reported honorariums for 2024, compared to 14 Assembly members. The Legislature gained 37 new members this session, including three who were in the Legislature already but switched chambers. WisPolitics asked the lawmakers and groups for details, including the dates and locations of conferences. Only some lawmakers and groups responded.
In the Assembly, Majority Leader Tyler August, R-Walworth, reported the most with $36,156.
The largest expense reported by the No. 2 leader in the Assembly came from the Taiwan Economic and Cultural Office for $12,880 for a “scholarship” to go on a trip. The next-highest was GOPAC, the Republican political training organization, at $10,090 for attending a conference. This was closely followed by the NCSL at $9,705 for attending a conference.
NCSL told WisPolitics in an email the group does not provide information on who attends its events and referred to individual lawmakers. August did not respond to a request for information on his report.
August also reported $1,586 from the State Government Affairs Council Foundation for attending a conference, $1,119 from ALEC for attending a conference, $716 from the Bowling Proprietors’ Association of America for presenting a talk and $53 from Jobs First Coalition also for presenting a talk.
Jobs First Coalition told WisPolitics that August attended a January Legislative Outlook event and Legislative Wrap Up in December.
Majority Leader Devin LeMahieu, R-Oostburg, reported the highest amount in the Senate, with $23,877.
The Republican State Leadership Committee paid the bulk of the expenses, $20,889, for conferences, travel and lodging. LeMahieu also reported $2,390 from GOPAC for a conference, travel and lodging, $546 from Wisconsin Manufacturers & Commerce for lodging, meals and a conference, and $53 from Jobs First Coalition for meals.
Jobs First Coalition told WisPolitics LeMahieu attended the same legislative outlook and legislative wrap up events in August last year. LeMahieu’s office did not respond to requests for more details on the expenses. WMC said LeMahieu spoke at a conference in his official capacity as majority leader, but did not provide additional details on where and when the event took place.
Lawmakers each year must report expenses paid on their behalf related to government duties exceeding $50, such as: “attendance at a conference, presentation of a talk, participation in a meeting, or for a published work about issues initiated by or affecting state government or state agencies.” Rep. Treig Pronschinske, R-Mondovi, had not filed a report as of Monday.
The rest of the top five in the Senate included:
*Sen. Kelda Roys, D-Madison, who reported $17,820. That included travel expenses paid for by the Council of State Governments under the Toll Fellowship leadership development program, though her form incorrectly named the group as the “Council on State Government.” Roys was selected as a Toll fellow and the CSG expenses were for a five-day leadership bootcamp in Lexington, Kentucky.
She also listed expenses from Future Caucus for an Innovation Fellowship aimed at Gen Z and millennial lawmakers, from the Secular Coalition of America, a group dedicated to “protecting the rights of nonreligious Americans,” to speak at a conference.
Finally, she reported expenses from the Taipei Economic and Cultural Representative Office for a scholarship covering travel expenses and food at a “Taiwan’s National Day” reception. Roys posted on Instagram in June about a trip to Taiwan she took with August, Sen. Cory Tomczyk, R-Mosinee, and Rep. Tip McGuire, D-Kenosha, as part of a delegation of Midwestern legislators. The trip took place from June 2-7 according to an itinerary Roys’ office provided.
“Taiwan is both an important trade partner for Wisconsin’s agricultural producers, and American ally and democratic country in a strategically important part of the world,” Roys said in a statement. “Over the course of our short trip, we met with dozens of local and national elected officials as well as business and nonprofit leaders.”
She said topics of discussion included issues such as “trade, agriculture, climate change, energy, and sustainability, national security and defense, AI, advanced manufacturing, and technology, civil society, social media, and democracy in an age of disinformation and foreign election interference, and geopolitical stability.”
*Tomczyk, who reported $14,380 for a scholarship from ALEC and from the Taipei Economic and Cultural Representative Office for a “cultural ambassador trip.” Tomczyk’s office and ALEC did not respond to requests for more details.
*Senate Minority Leader Dianne Hesselbein, D-Madison, who reported $9,800. That included expenses paid by the National Caucus of Environmental Legislators to “discuss energy efficiency, community engagement and create tools for energy equity” in Hawaii. She also listed expenses for an NCSL “Legislative Study Tour” in Ireland, NCSL “State Legislative Leaders Symposium” in Washington D.C.,“Wisconsin Legislative Leaders Cohort” trip to Washington, D.C., and “Wisconsin Legislative Leaders Consortium” in Los Angeles, California.
“The limited number of workshops and study tours I choose to attend provide me with the opportunity to learn from experts in policy areas, see firsthand how innovative initiatives are working elsewhere, share our Wisconsin experiences, and foster important relationships with peers around the country and the world,” Hesselbein said in an email statement to WisPolitics.
*Sen. Mary Felzkowski, R-Tomahawk, who reported $7,649. She listed expenses for four National Conference of Insurance Legislators meetings, including one in Costa Mesa, California. She also reported expenses for an American Legislative Exchange Council state chair fly-in and the group’s 51st annual meeting, which was held in Denver, Colorado.
Felzkowski’s office noted the senator chaired NCOIL’s Financial Services & Multi-Lines Issues Committee and ALEC’s Human Services Task Force. Her office said both groups provided Felzkowski with opportunities to learn about legislation and how other states are approaching issues.
In addition to August, the rest of the top five in the Assembly included:
*Speaker Robin Vos, R-Rochester, who reported $15,762. The bulk of his expenses were from the National Conference of State Legislatures at $11,086 to attend a conference, as well as $4,047 for another conference from the State Legislative Leaders Foundation.
“I have been involved with NCSL for 10 years now and have served as president,” Vos said in an email statement to WisPolitics. “I am currently on the Executive Committee so I am very invested in the organization. I enjoy being able to meet with legislators from both sides of the aisle from across the country to hear about what is happening in their respective states.”
Vos did not comment on any other part of his report in the statement.
Vos again reported a reimbursement to “give a talk” for Jobs First Coalition: this year’s was $628.
Jobs First Coalition told WisPolitics Vos also attended the legislative outlook and legislative wrap up events last year. The bulk of his expenses from Jobs First Coalition, however, came from an August state leadership event at Erin Hills Golf Course in Hartford.
The Jobs First Coalition is a not-for-profit advocacy group whose website says its mission includes supporting policies to create and retain family-supporting jobs.
It’s also linked to Jobs First, a 501(4) that does independent expenditures in state races, typically to support Republicans, and the Jobs First Coalition Political Fund, a 527 that does a mix of independent expenditures and issue ads.
Vos’ wife, former GOP state Rep. Michelle Litjens, is a fundraising consultant who has been a lead fundraiser for the Jobs First Coalition.
*McGuire, D-Kenosha, who reported $12,880, all from the Taiwan Economic and Cultural Office for a scholarship for the same trip Roys shared on social media.
*Rep. Alex Dallman, R-Green Lake, who reported $8,013. He listed expenses from the American Legislative Exchange Council for “attendance and participation at 51st Annual Meeting and Conference,” which the ALEC site indicates was in July in Denver, CO, and “attendance and participation at State and Nations Policy Summit” in DC in November, according to ALEC. Dallman also listed expenses from GOPAC for attending a west swing state event and the state leadership retreat.
Dallman did not respond to requests for comment on where and when these events were located or any details about the events.
*Rep. Nate Gustafson, R-Fox Crossing, reported $7,578 for expenses from several groups. The Consumer Technology Association paid for the Consumer Electronics Show, Google paid for an AI Summit in Chicago and Microsoft for a “Microsoft Campus Speaking Engagement.” Gustafson also reported expenses from ALEC for a States and Nation Policy Summit, the Pacific Legal Foundation for “legislator fly in-Nashville” and Young Americans for Liberty for “Halzitt Policy Summit,” which the American Action Fund website indicated was in Nashville, Tenn., in November.
Gustafson did not respond to requests for more details on when he attended these events and where they were.
Capitol Chats: Piwowarczyk says immigration enforcement important for public safety
Freshman Rep. Jim Piwowarczyk tells WisPolitics a bill requiring sheriffs to notify immigration officials about undocumented immigrants in custody accused of serious crimes is important to maintain public safety.
The Hubertus Republican authored a bill with Speaker Robin Vos, R-Rochester, that would mandate sheriffs to do so or risk losing state funding.
Piwowarcyzk told WisPolitics Capitol Chats strict immigration policies in the state are essential to keeping people safe.
“It’s important that we get illegals that are here committing violent crimes and felonies, that they are taken off our streets,” Piwowarcyzk said. “And quite honestly, I’d like to see them deported. They shouldn’t be here in the first place.”
Piwowarczyk also said he agreed with the state Supreme Court’s decision to suspend Hannah Dugan, the Milwaukee judge accused of helping an undocumented individual evade federal immigration enforcement.
“I don’t believe she should be a judge any longer,” Piwowarczyk said.
Before joining the Legislature this session, Piwowarczyk spent 20 years as a police officer before dabbling in business, starting a few fitness clubs and working in real estate.
Piwowarczyk also co-founded a conservative media site, Wisconsin Right Now, with journalism instructor Jessica McBride. He has transferred full ownership to McBride, but said he sometimes writes a column or helps with research for the stories.
Listen to the full interview.
Political TV
(Check local listings for times in your area)
“UpFront” is a statewide commercial TV news magazine show airing Sundays around the state. This week’s show, hosted by GERRON JORDAN and MATT SMITH, features U.S. Rep. TOM TIFFANY, R-Minocqua, U.S. Sen. TAMMY BALDWIN, D-Madison, Wisconsin Supreme Court Candidate Judge CHRIS TAYLOR and Marquette Law School Poll Director CHARLES FRANKLIN.
*See more about the program here.
*Also see a recap of the show online each Monday at WisPolitics.
“Rewind,” a weekly show from WisconsinEye and WisPolitics, airs at 8 p.m. on Fridays and 10 a.m. on Sundays in addition to being available online. On this week’s episode, WisPolitics’ JR ROSS and CBS 58’s EMILEE FANNON discuss the 2026 state Supreme Court race, the response from university leaders to potential federal student aid cuts, last weekend’s GOP state convention and more.
*Watch the show here.
This week’s episode of WisPolitics’ “Capitol Chats” features Freshman Rep. JIM PIWOWARCZYK, R-Hubertus, on his start in the Legislature and his focus on criminal justice.
*Listen to the podcast here.
“The Insiders” is a weekly WisOpinion.com web show featuring former Democratic Senate Majority Leader CHUCK CHVALA and former Republican Assembly Speaker SCOTT JENSEN. This week, Chvala and Jensen discuss legislation deadlocked in committee that would give utilities doing business in Wisconsin the right of first refusal for transmission line projects.
*Watch the video or listen to the show here.
“In Focus: Wisconsin” airs Sundays at 9:30 a.m. on Spectrum News 1 on channel 1 with host RYAN BURK.
PBS Wisconsin’s “Here and Now” airs at 7:30 p.m. Fridays. On this week’s program with anchor FREDERICA FREYBERG, Board Chair of the Vilas County Economic Development Corporation JIM TUCKWELL and Vice President of Lincoln Avenue Communities KEVIN MCDONELL discuss affordable housing in Lac de Flambeau, Sen. PATRICK TESTIN, R-Stevens Point, discusses the APRN Modernization Act and National President of Latino Forward DARRYL MORIN discusses state impact of latest federal immigration efforts.
“For the Record” airs Sundays at 10:30 a.m. on Madison’s WISC-TV with host WILL KENNEALLY.
Week Ahead
Find Memorial Day events at the WisPolitics events page.
Tuesday: The Wisconsin Elections Commission meets. Commissioners are to review an accessibility report, consider complaints and address other matters.
– 8 a.m.: Online meeting.
Tuesday: The Senate Committee on Mental Health, Substance Abuse Prevention, Children and Families and the Assembly Committee on Mental Health and Substance Abuse Prevention hold a joint public hearing on bills related to treatment facilities, treatment of minors, safety plans and a school mental health program.
– 10:30 a.m.: 417 North, state Capitol
Tuesday: The Senate Committee on Transportation and Local Government holds a public hearing on bills related to regulating vegetable gardens and fowl, inspecting parking structures and banning restrictions based on energy sources for motor vehicles and other devices.
– 10:30 a.m.: 300 Southeast, state Capitol
Wednesday: The Assembly Committee on Workforce Development, Labor and Integrated Employment holds a public hearing on bills related to workers compensation, workforce literacy programs and apprenticeship programs.
– 9:30 a.m.: 225 Northwest, state Capitol
Wednesday: The Assembly Committee on Public Benefit Reforms holds an executive session on a bill that would prohibit the purchase of soft drinks or candy with FoodShare benefits.
– 11 a.m., 300 Northeast, state Capitol
Wednesday: The Senate Health Committee holds a public hearing on bills related to pharmacy and prescription drug payments, emergency rule procedures and breast cancer screenings.
– 1 p.m.: 300 Southeast, state Capitol
Names in the News
U.S. Sen. RON JOHNSON will headline a WisPolitics-Milwaukee Press Club luncheon Wednesday in Milwaukee. The Oshkosh Republican will take questions from a media panel featuring: CHARLES BENSON of TMJ4 News; EMILEE FANNON of CBS 58; and MATT SMITH of WISN-TV. Register here.
Attend a June 5 WisPolitics luncheon with outgoing state Dem Chair BEN WIKLER and WisGOP Chair BRIAN SCHIMMING at the Madison Club. The two major party chairs will discuss the April election and what current politics will mean for next year’s midterm elections. Register here.
Attend a June 24 WisPolitics luncheon with Attorney General JOSH KAUL at The Madison Club. Kaul, first elected in 2018, has joined Dem colleagues in other states in filing suits against Trump administration actions. Register here.
The Democratic Party of Wisconsin won “Democratic Fundraiser of the Year” from the American Association of Political Consultants. The Pollie Awards, dubbed the “Oscars of political advertising,” singled out LARA HENDERSON, a consultant to the party; TINA IGNASIAK, who was finance director; and Chair BEN WIKLER, praising them for raising nearly $57 million — twice what the GOP brought in — that “showed how innovative fundraising can build statewide infrastructure and boost wins.” Goodman Campaigns also won a gold award for a fundraising campaign for winning five down ballot races in Wisconsin. The firm did digital fundraising for the four Dem candidates that won state Senate seats in November and state Sen. BRAD PFAFF, D-Onalaska. See the full list of winners.
SYDNEY MAINGOT has started a new role as communications director for U.S. Rep. GLENN GROTHMAN, R-Glenbeulah. Maingot was previously a communications associate for Bullpen Strategy Group and an intern for former U.S. Sen. MARCO RUBIO, R-Fla.
SIDNEY LITKE has left her job as communications director for Assembly Minority Leader GRETA NEUBAUER, D-Racine, to take a similar role with the Assembly Democratic Campaign Committee. ADAM WIGGER, who had been deputy communications director for Neubauer, has been promoted to replace Litke.
HALEY McCOY has left her role as communications director with the Democratic Party of Wisconsin for a similar role with the Wisconsin Department of Workforce Development. PHIL SHULMAN, who had been with the Dem group American Bridge, is now the state party’s communications director.
The National Federation of Independent Business announced LUKE BACHER as its new state director in Wisconsin. Bacher was most recently chief of staff and communications director for Assembly Majority Leader TYLER AUGUST, R-Walworth.
Gov. TONY EVERS has appointed BEN JONES to the Dane County Circuit Court. Jones has been an attorney at the Wisconsin Department of Public Instruction since 2017 and has served as the department’s chief legal counsel since 2019.
Wisconsin Farmers Union has named DANIELLE ENDVICK as executive director upon JULIE KEOWN-BOMAR’s retirement after leading the group since 2017. Endvick was most recently director of development for Wisconsin Farmers Union. She lives on her family farm in Chippewa County, where she and her husband raise beef cattle and chickens.
CHRIS GRANT has been hired as senior adviser of Never Out of the Fight PAC, created by businessman BILL BERRIEN. Grant previously ran MAGA Inc., a PAC supporting President DONALD TRUMP.
Longtime Wisconsin Motor Carriers Association President NEAL KEDZIE, a former GOP state senator, will retire May 30. WMCA Vice President DAN JOHNSON will take over the role. Johnson has been vice president since 2014.
Three Milwaukee philanthropic business leaders will receive the inaugural HERB KOHL Service Award, named after the late Democratic senator, on June 11 at the Pfister Hotel. The award is a partnership between Herb Kohl Philanthropies and the Milwaukee Jewish Federation. Honorees include: Lubar & Co. founder and Chairman SHELDON LUBAR; Marcus Corp. Chairman Emeritus STEPHEN MARCUS; and former Major League Baseball Commissioner and Milwaukee Brewers owner BUD SELIG.
SARAH HAGENOW of Poynette has been crowned the 78th Alice in Dairyland, with a term beginning on July 7. Hagenow is a senior at the University of Minnesota earning her degree in agricultural and food business management with a minor in international agriculture. She will replace HALEI HEINZEL of Oconomowoc, who currently holds the title. Sarah’s sister, Ashley Hagenow, was the 76th Alice in Dairyland.
Endorsements: The following is a list of recent endorsements, based on emails received by WisPolitics.com:
Dem Party Chair
DEVIN REMIKER: State Dem Party Chair BEN WIKLER, 21 Democrats, including current and former party officials and lawmakers.
Lobbyist Watch
Thirty-seven changes were made to the lobbying registry in the past 10 days.
Follow this link for the complete list.
